The so called ´Sz-100` type, 246 km long alarm system - the ´iron curtain`- was built between 1965 and 1971 (1) following the decision made by the MSZMP PB (Political Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Labour Party) on the 11th of May, 1965. It was going to replace the system of barbed wire and mine fields, which was set up right along the Austrian border in the year of 1949. János Székely, the National Commander of the Frontier Guards has pointed out several problems in the operation of the system in his reports, addressed to the Ministry of Home Affairs (2). He has mentioned beside the growing number of technical problems, the grotesque fact that since the Soviet Union was no more producing the parts of the established security system, the problem of replacing the wire of stainless steel could be solved only by western import, which would demand a substantial amount of foreign exchange. István Horváth, the Minister of Internal Affairs, declared in an interview that”… at certain parts along the national border there are still some installations and accessories of old times,” and he also suggested, that it was time to demolish the technical security system of the border (3). Imre Pozsgay, Secretery of State, a member of the MSZMP PB, gave sound to his views in Gyor on the 26th of October 1988 “…the electronic alarm system has, morally, technologically and politically outlived itself.” (4)
In 1988, on the 24th of November Miklós Németh takes over the post of the Prime Minister from Károly Grósz. At the turn of 1988 to1989 István Horváth, the Minister of Internal Affairs, puts forward the proposition of demolishing the electronic alarm system to the MSZMP PB (5).On the 28th of February 1989, the Political Committee accepts the proposal (6). On the 9th of March 1989, The National Headquarters of the Frontier Guards works out a `program` for the demolishing plans, which is tested on the 18th of April, by a series of experimental exercises within highly secret conditions (7). On the 2nd of Mayt the date of the official start was announced at an international press conference, on the 2nd of May 1989 at Hegyeshalom, in the presence of two hundred international journalists (8). The electronic alarm system was switched off on this day for good. On the 27th of June, 1989, Alois Mock and Horn Gyula, both ministers of Foreign Affairs, had actually cut through the `iron curtain` in order to demonstrate this action, at the time when the process of demolition was already well in advance (9). The deadline of the work was to be the 1st of January, 1991. In the meantime, on the 21st of June, the Rumanian authorities started to raise a barbed wire along the Rumanian-Hungarian border. At the same time the number of refugees shot by Roman frontier guards were increasing within the frontier zone!
Looking back from the distance of a decade, the surrounding political atmosphere of the time may seem rather idyllic, but it was not felt so in the every day life. The fact, that within the leading political circles there were some enlightened, or rather, rational minded people, who were trying to act accordingly to the European mode of politics, and get prepared for the expected changes, did not mean, that regarding the future, the very same politicians could have also supreme power over the political matters. The reason for it was probably that the so called `reform wing` was in minority in the MSZMP.
Looking simply at the international political state, it was due to Gorbachov, due to the activities of the political opposition as well as to the growing social pressure that these people were saved from the fate of Nagy Imre, Dubcek or Walesa.
Let us not forget either that still in 1989, although the verbal announcements were suggesting favorable changes, the established, institutionalized order of the former totalitarian regime was in force. Among those; the so called department of III/III or the Worker Guards, furthermore the old laws were still in existence.
In fact the activities of the forming, yet illegally functioning opposition parties could have been also charged with illegal activities. The organization of the Pan-European Picnic could have been also considered such an offense; it could have been labeled as ´giving help to illegal crossing of the border`! Or let us remember what a scandal was caused by the declaration of Imre Pozsgay, according to which, the events of 1956 was considered a national uprising. Let us not forget also that for how many people did mean the threat of `change` fear for retort, how many feared the loss of his/her job, power, position, privileges. On the other hand, under the extremely tensed political situation, in spite of the extreme instability, and the constant political turbulence, it could be hoped for that this time there is a chance to bring a radical, and final political change into Eastern-Europe.

The first and hardest part of all proved to be to establish connections with the sponsors (11).When it was succeeded , Imre Pozsgay had immediately expressed his pleasure about the plan. On the 10th of July the agreement was made also with Otto von Habsburg. The following day, on the 11th of July, an official letter was dispatched to Erzsébet Gelsey, the personal secretery of the Habsburg family, to Vienna. In the meantime the date of the event was brought forward to the 19th of August in order not to coincide with the national holiday which was on the 20th of the month, the forthcoming event was given also the final name: Pan-European Picnic (12).
As soon as the approval was given by the sponsors, the organisers tried to get in touch, as fast as they could, with one of the MDF-organisation group that was based close to the border. They could find the addresses from the national organisers of the MDF; Béla Szabó and Lajos Torma. At first they sent a letter to Koszeg, to which no reply was received. Then Mária Filep sent another letter of request, on the 15th of July, to the MDF in Sopron, to the home address of László Magas. In the meantime she managed to find also the telephone number of Pál Csóka and Félix Ors, and so the connections were established with Sopron. The MDF in Sopron has called immediately a meeting. Most of the members felt rather sceptical about the idea, since it was already past mid-July, and also because many of the members were away on their summer vacations. They were worried that in the situation given, it was impossible to organise the Picnic well.
Since The Round Table of The Opposition in Sopron was functioning very well at the time (MDF, SZDSZ, FIDESZ, FKGP), and it was an unwritten rule that every event was organised in co-operation, the idea came spontaneously that the MDF would start action together with the other three partner-organisations. The parties have immediately joined in, and the work has started. It was in Sopron, on the 31st of July 1989 that we met Mária Filep. During the following day, on the 1st of August, a meeting of a very detailed discussion took place at the home of Csóka Pál with the presence of Soproni Horváth Lajos journalist, who was also broadcasting the events (13). During the same day, with help from the Frontier Guards, a field trip was made, and the location was chosen for the forthcoming event.
Among the few possible choices there was the football field at Brennberg, the plain at Harka, and some other opened spaces, mostly within the area of Nagycenk and Kópháza. Finally, the closeness of the `iron curtain`, and the possible dismantling of the wire at Sopronpuszta helped to bring about the decision. Géza Bánóczy and Géza Erdélyi had called the attention to this fact. Of course there were arguments and disagreements. The people from Debrecen were disappointed, because they believed wrongly that the ‘iron curtain’ was placed right on the border line, but it was not so, at that point there was only a wire net, which was to keep the wild animals away. The system of SZ-100 was set up 500-2 000 meters inside the actual border (14). Finally everything was settled, and the different tasks were sorted out.
László Magas (MDF) and Zsolt Szentkirályi /SzDSz/ were appointed to be the chief organisers. The job of the MDF group was mainly to concentrate on obtaining the permissions and to organise the opening of the border, while the group of SZDSZ was working hard on getting ready all propaganda and other printed materials. The FIDESZ was participating with a small but very eager group of three only (Ferenc Ivanics Ferenc, Szabolcs Vígh, Ferenc Vecsera) because of the summer vacation of the university students. The work of the tiny group of freshly founded FKGP was co-ordinated by their very active leader Andor Komlós. A good slogan was needed for a start. It was not one but two that we found! The invitation `Dismantle it and take it!` was the idea of János Rumpf. The invitation ‘ Crash the wall instead of villages!’ was implying both to the pulling down of the Hungarian villages in Rumania, and also to the Berlin Wall. The idea came from Csóka Pál. The placard of this image was realised by György Kerekes decorator (15).
Because of the peculiar legal rights, it was not easy to obtain permission for cutting pieces from the wire net of the `iron curtain`. We did not know who to ask for the permission. The system theoretically was no longer existing, but as the State Farm of Sopron was planning to create a wild game reserve at Sopronpuszta, for their special request, the wire net was left to them by the Frontier Guards. Péter Horváth, the director of the estate at the time, allowed generously to demolish a ‘few meters’ from the wire fence, which was promised to be restored later on by the organisers. In this matter, as well as in all other matters, colonel István Frankó, the Commander of the Frontier Guards in charge at the surrounding area of Sopron, was extremely helpful, a person with whom the Round Table of Opposition had from earlier on a positive and correct relationship. This was quite unusual in the existing political situation, and hence the attitude of Frankó István called for displeasure from many persons in power.
The work in Debrecen was progressing parallel to the work in Sopron. The nationwide propaganda in the press was taken care by Gábor Túri, Zsolt Porcsin and Tibor Krecz . The emblem of the Picnic was born: a white dove breaking through a barbed wire. It was a work offered by Ákos Varga graphic artist, as well as the making the placards. The group in Debrecen was taking care of all the food supply; the bread, the bacon, the paprika, and all the refreshing drinks, as well as the ordering of the Picnic T- shirts. Those were done by Mrs L. Ferenczy, Imre Hernyák, László Engi and Lukács Szabó, with the help of different sponsors. They could locate two buses for bringing the organizers and the participants to Sopron.( One of the buses was lent by the director of the company where Mária Filep was working, free of charge. The other was lent for the occasion by László Engi, contractor.)
On the 4th of August, with the help of Sándor Balogh, we sent the final version of the map to Debrecen by fax, giving direction to the location where the event of border opening was to take place (16). On the same day Imre Pozsgay has announced that his secretary, Vass László , will represent him on the picnic. Very soon the news arrived that it was Walburga, the daughter of Otto von Habsurg, to represent the second sponsor of the event at the picnic, at Sopronpuszta.
In the meantime the site was getting prepared for the occasion, everything done according to the requirements of the Frontier Guards and of all other relevant authorities. On the 10th of August there was a supervision made by the organizers, the representatives of the town, and all authorities involved (Electricity, Water, Frontier Guards, Health, LFMK, Transport). Tamás Stöckert has arranged a meeting of reminder at the Town Hall. In this review the conditions were put down to be observed by the organizers. An idea occured that in order to enable easier participation for the Austrian guests, a temporary border- lifting ought to be made. This idea was no part of the original plans. László Magas was suggesting to open the border across the road towards Margitbánya, the old national road which was leading to Pozsony (Bratistlava), where the operation of the frontier station was closed down since 1948. A wooden gate was found at the place, with a chain and a locket on it, the key belonging to it had been long lost.
The temporary opening of the border had to be approved by the appropriate authorities both in Austria and in Hungary. On the Hungarian side it was done very quickly, thanks to Imre Pozsgay`s help. He gave to Filep Maria the names and the telephone numbers of those with whom the organization had to get in touch in order to obtain the permit. Finally, the permission was given from the highest authorities of the Frontier Guard. There was a permission given for the Hungarian border to be opened on the 19th of August 1989, from 15.00-18.00, on the selected spot, along the old road to Pozsony.
We had no any kind of connections in Austria and therefore the organizers had no idea who to apply to for obtaining the permission. Pál Csóka was given the task to establish contacts somewhere in Burgenland, in order to get some direction. He spent the afternoons loitering around the neighbouring towns and villages wizh the hope to find some organization or politician who would be willing to help.
Eight days before the already announced opening of the border, which was in reality still without permission, he met Andreas Waha, who was the mayor of St. Margarethen at the time. A policeman on duty was directing him to find Mr Waha, who was busy with the preparations for the opening ceremonies of the wine festival in Margitbánya. The mayor found the idea absurd and impossible to be realised within eight days. But seeing the material of information, the placards and the notifications in German language, he got enthusiastic about the idea. Taking advantage of the opportunity of the wine festival, where a considerable number of leading politicians of Burgenland were present, he invited Pál Csóka to join their table. The officers who happened to be there by chance, gave information about the necessary procedures, and promised, from their part, to be quick and efficient to respond.
According to their advice Gábor Lõrincz composed two letters in German, in the name of the MDF organisation of Sopron. One of the letters was posted on the 14th of August, addressed to the Board of Directors of Security of Burgenland, the other, to the section in charge within the Headquarters of Customs, on the 17th of August. This letter, because of the short time, was delivered by hand, by Gábor Lõrincz Gábor and Zoltán Horváth in person, together with the necessary Austrian official stamps for issuing the certificate of permission. In the background Mr. Waha was tirelessly busy on the telephone line, helping to make the arrangements, since without keeping to the official procedure it was impossible to issue the permission. Even so it was given only by word, by telephone to the Austrian frontier guards at the border. There was no way that the official, written permission for opening the border would get there before the date of 19th of August (17).
According to the previous arrangements made between the Austrian and Hungarian authorities of the Frontier Guards, there was only to be a certain number of Hungarian and Austrian officials to cross the border, and no other person. While taking the official measures, Mr. Waha gave so much voice about the forthcoming events in Burgenland, that the whole area around the lake Fertõ became alert. It was to be seen only on the day of the Picnic, where a kind of mass migration took place across the border ( which was reopened after 41 years) coming from the Austrian side, making the crossing from the other direction, for the Hungarian delegation, impossible.
The mechanism of the local propaganda, in spite of the limitations and the small number of the organisers, was functioning perfectly. In Debrecen, Gábor Túri got hold of the list of addresses of 25 Hungarian Embassies abroad and despatched to each, in English translation, the program of the day; including the maps, sketches, and notifications. The radio station, Free Europe, gave also a substantial advertisement of the event (18). With Tibor Krecz communicating, the daily newspaper Magyar Nemzet (Hungarian Nation) gave reports about the event of the Picnic (19). There was no end to the incoming, supporting letters. The mental participation in the demolishing of the iron curtain was expressed by the Rákóczy Society, the Sprint Runner Club of Komárom County, the Széchényi Society, the Society of Christian Intellects, Várady Huszár Ágnes from Pittsburgh, the United States, and many others.
Western Television companies were showing up in Sopron during the last two-three days, one after the other; the SAT1, the ORF and others, all wishing to talk to László Magas. They asked to be taken to the site at the border in order to see what were the light conditions around three o’clock in the afternoon. It was not so surprising to see European TV companies around as it was to see one, coming from New Zeland. It was no less unexpected than not to see any of our National Television team, whose absence meant to be an intentional display of disinterest.
The handful of organisers spent every minute with hundreds of small - but demanding matters (20). They were especially careful to keep to the conditions given. Everyone knew that for political reasons this event can no longer be stopped.
It was feared though, that finding some excuses in not fulfilling the requirement of any the authorities, it may still happen (21). Our friends were arriving sporadically, in groups from Debrecen; on the 17th, on the 28th , and in the morning of the 19th of August, and gave a helping hand to the remaining works. During the last day there were still the jobs of wood-cutting- , brush-wood collecting-, setting up tents-, raising of platforms to be done, arranging the loud speakers, and finally setting up the signboards by Gábor Hámori. With these works the preparatory works were coming to its end. By this time there were a considerable number of East-German citizens in town, who arrived by no way of coincidence to Sopron, but of whose presence the organisers were unaware.

This is something that we do not know yet. In spite the fact that there was a conference organised in order to clear things by the ‘Pan-European Picnic ’89 Foundation’, at the tenth anniversary, in the Pannonia Med Hotel on the 18th - 19th of August (28). The motto chosen for the conference was a quotation from Thomas Sowell:
“There are two ways to tell the whole truth. Either anonymusly, or at a later date.” In spite of this no clear picture has emerged concerning the extent of international conciliation, neither to the East or to the West direction. Were the Hungarian authorities aware of the German intention of making the break through? What would have happened if the existing balance within the power breaks, and moves towards the good of the orthodox communist wing? What would have happened if the coup, against Gorbachov, takes place two years earlier, in August 1989? We could go on asking more and more questions, since very often we were receiving contradictory answers from the persons in control of the time. We heard that Miklós Németh in the spring of 1989 had a discussion with Gorbachev “ indirectly” concerning the plan of changes in Hungary.
It was also said, that the political leadership gave conscious support to Pozsgay Imre and to the Picnic, considering the whole occasion a kind of test. Were they curious to see, how Berlin, Pragha, Bucarest and Moscow is going to respond? (29) But what would have happened to the organizers of the event if the above mentioned “friendly” countries did not response favourable ?
If it was a test, why had they forgotten to bring it to the notice of Árpád Bella, whose soldiers alone were armed with live fire? If they fire, then today “… the place would not be a place of memories, but a place of memorial at the border..”
(quotation from Bella Árpád) for the shame, not for the glory of Hungary. According to the officer of the highest rank in Sopron “…It was not what we have agreed on “.
Hence, he was not happy with the break through; he would have rather gone against it.
Were his bosses thinking similarly to him? Most probably they were, because a force of arms were ordered to stand by, with truncheons and other technical devices ready for intervention (30). On the other hand it was forbidden for them, by the highest, national commander, to stay closer than a kilometer to the area where the event took place, since it was a civil gathering (31). This way was hard for them to hold up any forbidden frontier crossing!
If the Picnic was merely a test, and there was no displeasure indicated from the above mentioned capitals, then why did the firing took place? Why did Kurt-Werner Schulz had to die? (32) Why did the “battle” took place at Kópháza and Sopronpuszta, on the 23th of August? Who mobilized the Worker Guards? Was it an overreaching action of the local authorities, or were they centrally ordered? Or was it that Honecker needed some reassurance? Since everyone was keepeng an eye on everything. A delegation had come from Berlin, from the Stasi, to make an observation of the possible sites for the Picnic, within the area. It was ten years later that we learned about it, though. If things were progressing according to the schedule on the border on the 19th of August, then why was a charge brought against Bella Árpád? Why were the procedure of charges not completed which were made against him? Are they still on? It seems as if the central orders were never reaching the person to whom it was addressed . Was it that out of precautions the orders could not be written down, or have they got lost on the way? Or was it due simple to a very unstable situation, where the middlemen, out of precaution lived a double life? Of course what else could have been expected of any of them, when the orders given out were in contradiction to the order of the written law; which was still very much in existence, though they were issued at an earlier date?
And yet, the Hungarian government was already having a very clear view, concerning the problem of the refugees at the time, even from an earlier time than the idea of the Picnic has occured.Alexander Arnot, the Ambassador of West Germany had invited István Horváth, the Minister of Internal Affairs, for a meeting, where he inquired about the intentions of the Hungarian side about the problem (33). The Minister of Internal Affairs promissed to give a written answer, which was prepared by Pallagi, vice- minister, and was sent to the ambassador well before the Picnic (34). The document was stating concrete data about the various possibilites of judgements about the statues of the refugees. According to the Refugee- Pact of Geneva, there were refugee camps to be established. In order to materialise this plan though, the consideration of various, relevant, international agreements were neccessary. There was a comment though in the answer, which was saying that…”our country does not wish to become a channel for the East-European refugees.”
In the meantime, on the 8th of August 1989, the Vice- Attorney General had given out certain official directions to the local attorneys, how to act in the case when refugees were caught in the act of attempting to cross the border. If the `act of crime` was committed for a convincing reason, rebuke had to be employed, and all prosecutions had to be dismissed. Those prosecutions which were already in progress had to be stopped (35). The `convincing reasons` by the way was to serve an excellent excuse for ambivalence! Two days later, in connection with the same matter, there were other official letters received by the local attorneys, sent by the Department of Highest Attorney of Anti - State Matters this time. The letter said that concerning the orders received earlier, they were in full agreement with the Ministry of Internal-, and with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It was also stated that the Refugee-Pact of Geneva will be announced, presumable, on the 1st of October (36). All legal orders; concerning all laws and the rights of the refugees, will come into effect from this date on. All other laws; concerning in- and outward migrations, as well as passport matters were come into effect from the 1st of January 1990.
There were pressures weighing on the government, coming from all different directions. It is known only by a very few that during the last days of August, Sándor Lezsák - with the request of full discretion- had visited László Magas at Sopron. There were certain plans about transporting masses of German refugees to Sopron. Lezsák was asking for advice to help him find a suitable place for accommodating them. Most probably the comment of István Horváth, the Minister of Internal Affairs, was referring to this matter, written in `Magyar Nemzet`, on the 5th of September (37). For the bus transportation the area of the football ground at Brennberg and the parking area of the stone mine at Fertorákos were chosen. For the railway transportation the station of Kópháza was chosen. These areas are situated not further than a few hundred meters from the national border. Finally these plans had not been realised, but obviously such plans were speeding up the decesions of the government the same way as the Picnic did.
It is not easy to judge whether the time between the Picnic and the decision of the government that was brought about on the 11th of September, was short or long? Though in retrospect everyone seems to be very clever and very well informed. In spite of this, it would be good to know, that in reality what was known, and by whom it was known? Who were receiving orders, and from whom? What kind of reassurances were given, and to whom? I have a notion that the advises given to all were similar to those types which we know well from our past history. To recite the words of János, the Archbishop of Esztergom: “ You must not be afraid about murdering the queen, enough if all of you agree, I do not oppose it.” Below a certain level such kind of information were received. But, at which level was everything known? How many scenarios were in existence? For us, there was only one known. For the government probably more; each of which had a hopeful, favourable ending concerning the fate of the government. It will take probably many years before we shall have answers to any of these questions, since even the documents that they were available are closed down.
It is no wish for sensational news or desire to make charges against anyone from my part. Merely I would like to know the facts, so that we, and especially the future generations may learn a lesson from it. Nobody would aim at, in the knowledge of the facts, to stir war for merits, or to turn the politicians of the time against the organisers of the events, or against the soldiers, or against each other. This cannot be a target, since the summer of 1989 proved to be such a rare, and such a highly valuable moment in the Hungarian history. There was a cause, for the sake of which, - at least in deeds, if not completely in spirit - there was a co-operation between the political leaders, the force of arms, and the opposition. As it happens, it was also in the interest of others than ourselves, the Germans.
The map of Europe would have been transformed also without the Pan-European Picnic, or without the decision of the Hungarian government, announced on the 11th of September. Maybe it would have taken place at a later date, perhaps in a different way, perhaps in a more bloody way ! Let us rejoice in the fact, that though as “unconcious trouble makers”, we did take part in a very essential episode of the time of changes. It would be good to know, though, what powers were pulling the strings, what was going on in the backstage.
Then one day, when the archives will be opened, the future historians may decide whether it was the case of a cleverly built “Byzantian” solution, or a so called Hungarian botched job. Perhaps the truth lies between the two versions?